Biak language
Biak (wós Vyak or 'Biak language'; wós kovedi or 'our language'; Indonesian: bahasa Biak), also known as Biak-Numfor, Noefoor, Mafoor, Mefoor, Nufoor, Mafoorsch, Myfoorsch and Noefoorsch, is an Austronesian language of the South Halmahera-West New Guinea subgroup of the Eastern Malayo-Polynesian languages. According to Ethnologue, it is spoken by about 70,000 people in Biak and Numfor and numerous small islands in the Schouten Islands, located in Papua province of Western New Guinea, northeastern Indonesia. DialectsThere are a number of different dialects of Biak spoken on various different islands, the most well-known being Biak-Numfoor, spoken on the island of Numfoor. These dialect differences are minor and mostly limited to slight regular sound changes.[2] The vast majority of Biak speakers are also fluent in the local variety of Malay, but not all of them are proficient in standard Indonesian. Geographical distributions of Biak dialects within Raja Ampat Regency (Ronsumbre 2020):[3]
Sociolinguistic situationDespite the comparatively high number of speakers compared to some other Austronesian languages, Biak is still in danger of extinction. Within the main towns, the generation of speakers aged between 20 and 50 have only passive knowledge of the language and rarely use the language actively, instead preferring to use Malay. Younger generations do not even generally have passive knowledge of the language. Biak is only actively used as a spoken language by members of the community over 50 years of age or so and even they regularly code switch into Malay.[4] However, within the villages further from town there are still children who are fluent in Biak. Songs in Biak are also very popular throughout the islands. There is a strong initiative to promote the use of the Biak language, with translations of various books and teaching manuals as well as a radio station and a number of church services throughout the year being conducted solely in Biak. Since 2002, there has also been an initiative to introduce Biak being taught formerly in schools on the islands.[5] PhonologyBiak has a phoneme inventory consisting of 13 consonants and 5 vowels, in which vowel length is phonemic. In the orthography long vowels are written with an acute accent. The phoneme /t/ is very infrequent in its use and some older speakers still realise it as [s] in loanwords.[6]
The vowel /u/ is the only rounded vowel in Biak; the other four are unrounded.[9] MorphologyPronouns and person markersIn Biak pronouns and articles are morphologically related, with both situating a given participant by indicating their relative discourse or spatial (e.g. directional or motional) status. This is not uncommon for Austronesian Languages.[10] Pronouns in Biak are marked for number and clusivity.
Free personal pronouns in Biak share their main distributional properties with nouns; however, they are somewhat more restricted. They can be used as a complement of a predicate or preposition but they cannot be used as subjects.[11] In the example below, the use of the first-person personal pronoun aya can be seen to complement a verb, while the second example shows how a free personal pronoun, in this clause third-person i, cannot be used as a subject: (1) Badir 2SG.announce i 3SG ve to aya 1SG 'Make it known to me.' (2) * i 3SG d-ores 3SG-stand 'He stood.' Pronominal affixesIn Biak, pronominal affixes can combine with verbs in three possible inflection patterns (given in the table below), which are partly phonologically conditioned.[12]
(3) (Rusa deer nan-i-ne) GIV-3SG.SPC-this d-ores 3SG-stand 'This deer stood.' These pronominal markers are person markers and are found in the final position of the noun phrase they determine.[13] They attach to verbs along with a specifier that attaches after the pronominal affix; due to their distribution properties these markers should be considered clitics.[13] There are two specificity markers, -ya and –i, where –ya can be used in all positions and -i is restricted to positions before pauses.[13] In the example below the article attaches to the verb vebaya, rather than the verb ifrúr because it is the final verb in the noun phrase headed by for.[13] (4) i-frúr 3SG-make for fire ve-ba=ya REL.big=3SG.SPC 'He made a big fire.' Nonspecificity, which refers to entities that do not yet exist in this world, or is used to question or deny the existence of an entity, is marked with the articles –o for singular and –no for plural noun phrases.[14] This is shown in the examples below:
(5) I-fúr 3SG-make yuk=o ukulele=NSPC.SG fa CONS y-ún 1SG-take i 3SG ve to Waranda. The.Netherlands 'He is making/will make a ukulele so that I can take it to the Netherlands'
(6) I-fúr 3SG-make yuk=ya ukulele=3SG.SPC fa CONS y-ún 1SG-take i 3SG ve to Waranda. The.Netherlands 'He has made a ukulele so that I can take it to the Netherlands' DemonstrativesBiak has identical forms in adnominal and pronominal demonstratives, which is common in Austronesian languages. In Biak, demonstratives can be used as part of complex articles containing demonstrative roots and also motion markers and directionals. Complex articles, however, do not have both a directional and a motion marker.
The table above restricts person-SPC to 3SG marker for an explanation, but i- 3SG marker can be replaced sui- (DU), skoi- (TR), and si- (PL.AN) or na- (PL.INAN). Also, it is important to note that the corpus contains no example of complex articles containing both a directional and a motion marker.[15] Furthermore, yi and wu are used as allomorphs of ya and wa, respectively, but attested in article-final position only.[15] In Biak, the relationship between the third-person pronouns and demonstratives are unrelated to demonstratives, which is uncommon in Austronesian languages. However, Biak follows the worldwide trend in terms of the relationship. Moreover, depending on the speaker's relative distance, Biak has three-way distance contrasts of adnominal demonstratives, which is common in Austronesian languages. The comparison is restricted to only adnominal use because some languages do not express the same distance contrasts in adnominal and pronominal demonstratives. If a complex article contains a demonstrative, the demonstrative is preceded by person-SPC, as illustrated by i-ne '3SG.SPC-this' and i-wa '3SG.SPC-over.there', respectively. Also, in the below examples, situational use of demonstratives is shown. (7) Rwa r<w>a <2SG>go ma ma to.here wákors w-ák-ors 2SG-also-stand ra ra along var var side ine. i-ne 3SG.SPC-this 'Come here and stand at this side too.'[15] (8) Mov mov place iwa i-wa 3SG.SPC-over.there snori sno-ri name-POS.SG Mnubei Mnubei Mnubei (...) (...)
'The place over there its name is Mnubei (...)'[16] The paradigm for complex articles sets the basis for deictic nouns, predicative pronouns, and locative-existentials. Deictic nounsDeictic nouns are formed by applying the formative di 'place' at the position preceding demonstratives, as illustrated by di-pur-wu 'place-back-over.there' and di-ne 'place-here.' (10) Mankroder mankroder frog ine i-ne 3SG.SPC-this dúnuk d-ún-uk 3SG-take-in.two ro ro LOC dine. di-ne place-here 'This frog has passed through here.'[16] The situational use of demonstratives is seen in (9). On the other hand, (10) shows -ne 'this' as the situational use of demonstratives and -ne 'here' as the anaphoric use of demonstratives. Predicative pronounsPredicative pronouns are formed by using the inflected predicative is 'PRED' at the position otherwise occupied by the marker of givenness an.[15] This is illustrated by is-i-ne '3SG.PRED-SPC-this' in both (11) and (12). (11) Isine is-i-ne 3SG.PRED-SPC-this indya indya so mámel. mám 2SG.see 'Here it (the sago porridge) is, so look!'[15] In (11), it depends on the context whether situational or anaphoric use of the demonstrative is. Situational use of the demonstrative is given in (12). Locative-existentialsLocative-existentials is different from predicative pronouns because they do not possess a specificity marker, which is illustrated by i-is-wa '3SG.PRED-over.there'. (13) Karuiya karui=ya stone=3SG.SPC i-is-wa is-wa 3SG.PRED-over.there kaker. kaker still 'The stone is still there.'[17] In (13), the use of the demonstrative depends on the context. SemanticsDemonstratives
For the semantic characterization of demonstratives, a part of Levinson's terminology should be known to grasp the difference between the Figure and the Ground or the Relatum. The Figure refers to an entity positioned somewhere in Space, while the Ground or the Relatum designate the entity in terms of where the entity is. As additional information, there are three essential points about Levinson's terminology. First, the 'frame of reference' can be classified as an intrinsic frame of reference, a relative frame of reference, and an absolute frame of reference. Second, it is crucial to grasp the origo of the coordinate system. The deictic centre called origo is approximately equal to the speaker's position. Third, it is vital to comprehend deixis. For spatial deixis, the interpretation of spatial linguistics elements is defined by the location of extra-linguistic entities. Regarding the demonstratives usage, it may be followed by pointing, such as lip-pointing, head pointing, or finger pointing. SyntaxDemonstrativesFrom a perspective of syntax, Deictic nouns typically set the complement of a preposition. This is clear from the form di-ne 'place-here,' di-wa 'place-over.there' in (14) and (15), respectively. However, the demonstrative locational nouns are used on their own, without a preceding preposition.[18] This is illustrated by di-ne 'place-here' in (16). (14) Ivyovr i-vyovr 3SG-sweep ve ve to dine di-ne place-here myáse. m-yás to.here-up 'It (the big wave) swept towards this place here upwards.'[18] (15) Ikun i-kun 3SG-burn si si 3PL.ANIM ro ro LOC diwa. di-wa place-over.there 'He burnt them (his skin) over there.'[18] (16) Dine, di-ne place-here randakya randak=ya beginning=3SG.SPC karui karui stone veba. ve-ba REL-big 'Here, in the beginning there were big stones.'[18] In (14), (15), and (16), these contain the situational use of demonstratives. PossessionSimilar to other Austronesian languages, Biak makes a grammatical distinction between alienable and inalienable for possession. Alienable possessionIn alienable possession, a possessive pronominal is formed with the possessive marker ve to signify the person, number and gender of the possessor, and is followed by a pronominal article marking the gender and number of the possessed. The pronominal article contains the specificity markers -i and -ya, with -i being used only in pre-pausal positions.[19] The following table illustrates the possessive pronominal construction.
Typically, Biak follows a possessor-possessum structure for alienable possessive construction, with the possessive pronominal in the adnominal position: (17) ikak snake an-i-ne GIV-3SG.SPC-this snonsnon name v<y>e=d-ya <3SG>POSS=3SG-SPC Kormsamba Kormsamba 'The Snake’s name was Kormsamba'[21] However, alienable possession can also be formed in the order of possessum-possessor, though this is much less frequent: (18) romawa son inai daughter manseren Lord v<y>e=s-ya <3SG>POSS=3PL.AN-SPC 'The Lord's sons and daughters'[22] Inalienable possessionInalienable possessive construction differs from alienable in that there is no system of pronominal possessives, only a set of affixes located on the possessum. In contrast to alienable possession, inalienable possession can only take the order of possessor-possessum. Biak contains three subsets of inalienability: body parts, Kinship, and locational.[22] Body partsNot all body parts are considered inalienable. Those that are form the stem words from which to derive other body parts through the method of compounding. For example, the alienable 'knee' is formed through the inalienable stem we ('leg') and the compounding pur ('back') to form wepur. Possessive construction for alienable body parts follows the same pattern as other alienable terms.[23] The inflectional system for inalienable body parts is as follows:
Unusual for Austronesian languages of the area, Biak contains a partial prefix system for inflecting inalienable body parts. For the plural forms, suffix -s reflects plurality and animateness of possessor and suffix na expresses plurality and inaninameteness of the possessum.[25] As stated above, inalienable possession is formed via a possessor-possessum structure: Kinship termsSimilarly to body parts, not all kinship terms are inalienable. The alienable kinship terms are formed through the same compounding method as alienable body parts, and follow the same possessive construction rules as other alienable terms.[27] This table illustrates the inflectional system for inalienable kinship words:
All nouns that follow the table's procedure have an idiosyncratic form for the first person, using a shorter term for the second and third person. (REF pg. 244) Here is an example of the usage of inalienable kinship inflection: Locational nounsLocational nouns are the last distinction of inalienability found in Biak. Locational nouns refer to locations that are ‘inherently connected to an entity’.[29] For example, a tree in Biak is referred to as having an 'upper part' and a 'lower part', and a canoe a 'front', a 'middle' and a 'back'.[29] The following table exhibits the inflectional system for inalienable locational nouns:
The suffix -n expresses the plurality and inanimateness of the possessum (REF pg. 250). The locational noun possessive structure is illustrated in this example: (21) bal ball i-ne 3SG.SPC-this v<y>ark <3SG>lie ro LOC karui=su-ya stone=3DU-SPC bonsu upside-NSG.INAN-3DU 'This ball lies on top of two stones'[29] NegationBiak distinguishes between factual and imperative negation (prohibitive). The marker for factual negation is va. For prohibitive it is awer. Factual negation: vaThe negator va occurs clause-finally in intransitive and transitive clauses.[31]
(25) Roma romawa son vyanine v<y>=an-i-ne <3SG>POS=GIV-3SG.SPC-this dóve d-óve 3SG-say bapak bapak father isne is-ne 3SG.PRED-this va, va NEG yakramu ya-kram=u 1SG-store=U seno sen=o cent=NSPC.SG va. va NEG 'His son said "father isn't here, I do not have a penny." '[35] In clauses with non-core arguments, va follows directly the argument it negates. (26) Denf d-enf 3SG-sleep ro ro LOC dine di-ne place-this va. va NEG 'He does not sleep here' (but somewhere else). (27) Denf d-enf 3SG-sleep va va NEG ro ro LOC dine. di-ne place-this 'He does not sleep here' (but does something else here).[33] Va is also used to negate nominal clauses. Factual negation in complex clausesIn complex clauses with fa, a conjunction expressing result, it seems that the negator va always occurs last in the sentence. In the corpus of spontaneous speech collected by van den Heuvel, there are no examples with va appearing at the end of the first clause.[37] (29) Mansren Manseren Lord Yesus Yesus Jesus ipok i-pok 3SG-able fa fa CONS vyefarander v<y>e-farander <3SG>VBZ-forget ko ko 1PL.INCL va. va NEG 'The Lord Jesus cannot forget us.'[38] In other complex clauses the negator may follow the first or final clause. (30) Dár d-ár 3SG-cry ve ve as randip randip pig va va NEG voi, voi but dár d-ár 3SG-cry ve ve as snonkaku. snonkaku human.being 'It did not cry as a pig but as a human being.'[39] (31) Sansun sansun clothes vyena v<y>e=na <3SG>POS=3PL.INAN.SPC naisya na-is-ya 3PL.INAN-PRED-that voi, voi but dáknayu d-ák-na-yu 3SG-also-have-YU sarako sarak=o bracelet=NSPC.SG va. va NEG 'His clothes were there, but he did not (also) have a bracelet.'[40] (32) Vyeurus v<y>e-urus <3SG>VBZ-arrange pyum pyum good bakn bakn body vyedine v<y>e=d-i-ne <3SG>VBZ=3SG-SPC-this va va NEG rao isofro rao isofro until dármaker. d-ármakr 3SG-scabies 'He did not take care of his body very well, until he got scabies.'[41] With bukanBukan is a loan from Malay/Indonesian. In Indonesian, the use of bukan, outside its function of negating noun phrases, expresses emphasis.[42] The use of bukan in Biak also appears to express emphasis – in the examples given by van den Heuvel, it use occurs when a contrast is given. Bukan is used in combination with va. Bukan precedes the first verb and va is in its usual place at the end of the clause.[43] (33) Indya indya so bukan bukan NEG kokain ko-kain 1PL.INCL-sit kofafyár ko-fafyár 1PL.INCL-tell biasa biasa usual va. va NEG 'So we are not (just) sitting and telling here (but have a serious meeting)'[43] (34) Pendeta pendeta minister dóve d-óve 3SG-say "a, a a bukan bukan NEG yakofn ya-kofn 1SG-speak ve ve to ko ko 1PL.INCL vape vape but yakofn ya-kofn 1SG-speak ve ve to warga warga member jemaatsi. jemaat=s-i church=3PL.ANIM-SPC 'The minister said "Ah, I did not say that to us, but to the members of the church!"'[44] Imperative negation: awerThe prohibitive marker awer is used to negate arguments in 1st, 2nd and 3rd person.[45]
(36) Voi voi but komyof ko-myof 1PL.INCL-defend setengah setengah half awer awer PROH i i 3SG voi voi but komyof ko-myof 1PL.INCL-defend kaku kaku true i i 3SG kám kám all fa… fa CONS 'And let us not defend half of it, but let's really defend all of it, so that …'[46]
(38) Ipok i-pok 3SG-can vyunk v<y>unk <3SG>wipe.off awer awer not mnor mnor mucus vyena. v<y>e=na <3SG>POS=3PL.INAN.SPC 'He is not allowed to wipe off his mucus.'[47] Other negatorsTo express 'not yet', Biak uses the marker vanim/vaim. For 'not any more' wer va is used.[43] (39) Ono ono INDEF.PL sibur si-bur 3PL.ANIM-leave ve ve to movo mov=o place=NSPC.SG movo mov=o place=NSPC.SG vaím vaím not.yet kám kám all vo vo SIM (…)
'There were not yet any people at all who had left to other places and (….)'[48] (40) Sikafkif si-kaf~kif 3PL.AN-REDUP~pick fa fa CONS sséwar s-séwar 3PL.AN-seek sarak sarak bracelet ini. i-ne 3SG.SPC-this Ma ma and sisrow si-srow 3PL.AN-find i i 3SG vanim. vanim not.yet 'They (the chickens) pick to find this bracelet. And they have not found it yet.'[43] Typological perspectivesIn Austronesian languages, the negator commonly precedes the predicate. Thus Biak, with clause final negation, is atypical in this feature. Clause final negation, however, is a common feature in the region of the Eastern Bird's Head Peninsula, in both Austronesian and Papuan languages. It appears to be of Papuan origin.[49] Numerals
Glossary
Footnotes
References
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